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Albert E. Burke: Difference between revisions
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Ted Dealey went to the White House in the fall of 1961 with a group of Texas publishers to meet the man he had maligned so frequently in his newspaper. He used the occasion to attack Kennedy in person. "We can annihilate Russia and should make that clear to the Soviet government", he advised the president, to the discomfort of his colleagues in the room. He accused Kennedy and his administration of being <mark>weak sisters</mark> (a favorite Dealey phrase). "We need <mark>a man on horseback</mark> [e.g. Johnson?] to lead this nation", he concluded "and many people in Texas and the Southwest think that you are <mark>riding Caroline's tricycle</mark>". ... | Ted Dealey went to the White House in the fall of 1961 with a group of Texas publishers to meet the man he had maligned so frequently in his newspaper. He used the occasion to attack Kennedy in person. "We can annihilate Russia and should make that clear to the Soviet government", he advised the president, to the discomfort of his colleagues in the room. He accused Kennedy and his administration of being <mark>weak sisters</mark> (a favorite Dealey phrase). "We need <mark>a man on horseback</mark> [e.g. Johnson?] to lead this nation", he concluded "and many people in Texas and the Southwest think that you are <mark>riding Caroline's tricycle</mark>". ... | ||
Kennedy was still thinking of his encounter with Dealey when he spoke later that year of <mark>people who “call for ‘a man on horseback’ because they do not trust the people. They find treason in our churches, in our highest court, in our treatment of water. They equate the Democratic Party with the welfare state, the welfare state with socialism, socialism with communism.</mark>” With his prescient political eye <mark>Kennedy saw that the '''new world''' [of which Dallas is the "capitol"] was being created</mark>, and it stood <mark>opposed to everything he represented</mark>: East Coast liberalism, mainstream Democratic party politics, Ivy League learning, the <mark>customary restraints of educated society</mark>. Although Kennedy was popularly understood as a man of his time, a thoroughly modern president, <mark>in many ways he was the last of the traditionalists</mark>. He called his administration the <mark>New Frontier, but his successors—Johnson, Nixon, Carter, Reagan—would show that the real frontier in American politics lay for away in the '''new world'''</mark>. | Kennedy was still thinking of his encounter with Dealey when he spoke later that year of <mark>people who “call for ‘a man on horseback’ because they do not trust the people. They find treason in our churches, in our highest court, in our treatment of water. They equate the Democratic Party with the welfare state, the welfare state with socialism, socialism with communism.</mark>” With his prescient political eye <mark>Kennedy saw that the '''new world''' [of which Dallas is the "capitol"] was being created</mark>, and it stood <mark>opposed to everything he represented</mark>: East Coast liberalism, mainstream Democratic party politics, Ivy League learning, the <mark>customary restraints of educated society</mark>. Although Kennedy was popularly understood as a man of his time, a thoroughly modern president, <mark>in many ways he was the last of the traditionalists</mark>. He called his administration the <mark>New Frontier, but his successors—Johnson, Nixon, Carter, Reagan—would show that the real frontier in American politics lay for away in the '''new world'''</mark>. | ||
During his presidency the atmosphere in Dallas approached <mark>hysteria. “The historical conservatism of the city,” wrote Dallas’ most prominent merchant, Stanley Marcus [of Neiman-Marcus], “had been fanned to a raging fire by the combination of a number of elements: the far right daily radio ‘Facts Forum’ program by Dan Smoot sponsored by the ultraconservative wealthiest man in town, '''H. L. Hunt'''; the '''John Birch Society'''; the '''oil''' industry’s hysterical concern for the preservation of what they considered a biblical guarantee of their '''depletion allowance'''; the ‘National Indignation League’ founded by a local garageman, Frank McGeehee, in protest of the air force’s training of some Yugoslavian pilots at a nearby air base; the '''consistently one-sided attacks on the administration by the ''Dallas Morning News''''' and the semi-acquiescent editorial policy of the ''Times Herald'', which had previously been a middle-of-the-road, fair newspaper.</mark> For the lack of courageous firemen in the business and intellectual segments of the community, the fire raged on.” ... | During his presidency the atmosphere in Dallas approached <mark>hysteria. “The historical conservatism of the city,” wrote Dallas’ most prominent merchant, Stanley Marcus [of Neiman-Marcus], “had been fanned to a raging fire by the combination of a number of elements: the '''far right daily radio''' ‘Facts Forum’ program by Dan Smoot sponsored by the ultraconservative '''wealthiest''' man in town, '''H. L. Hunt'''; the '''John Birch Society'''; the '''oil''' industry’s hysterical concern for the preservation of what they considered a biblical guarantee of their '''depletion allowance'''; the ‘National Indignation League’ founded by a local garageman, Frank McGeehee, in protest of the air force’s training of some Yugoslavian pilots at a nearby air base; the '''consistently one-sided attacks on the administration by the ''Dallas Morning News''''' and the semi-acquiescent editorial policy of the ''Times Herald'', which had previously been a middle-of-the-road, fair newspaper.</mark> For the lack of courageous firemen in the business and intellectual segments of the community, the fire raged on.” ... | ||
Dallas was gaining notice. The <mark>leader of the American Nazi party, George Lincoln Rockwell</mark>, opined that Dallas had “the most <mark>patriotic, pro-American</mark> people of any city in the country.” <mark>The compliment may have embarrassed a few, considering its source, but we believed that about ourselves. To the radical conservatives, Dallas had become a kind of shrine, a Camelot of the right</mark>. ... | Dallas was gaining notice. The <mark>leader of the American Nazi party, George Lincoln Rockwell</mark>, opined that Dallas had “the most <mark>patriotic, pro-American</mark> people of any city in the country.” <mark>The compliment may have embarrassed a few, considering its source, but we believed that about ourselves. To the radical conservatives, Dallas had become a kind of shrine, a Camelot of the right</mark>. ... | ||
The mob immediately closed him in [Adlai Stevenson]. The hysterical woman, who was the wife of an insurance executive, brought her placard down on Stevenson’s head. A college student <mark>spat</mark> upon him. When the policeman finally rescued him, Stevenson wiped the <mark>spit</mark> off his face with a handkerchief and asked aloud, “<mark>Are these human beings or are these animals?</mark>” ... | The mob immediately closed him in [Adlai Stevenson]. The hysterical woman, who was the wife of an insurance executive, brought her placard down on Stevenson’s head. A college student <mark>spat</mark> upon him. When the policeman finally rescued him, Stevenson wiped the <mark>spit</mark> off his face with a handkerchief and asked aloud, “<mark>Are these human beings or are these animals?</mark>” ... | ||